So it seems some glorious madman has taken it upon himself to scan and upload the entire run of the early Soviet theoretical journal, named Under the Banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»]. A stupendous Stakhanovite feat. Needless to say, whoever did this is a bona fide герой труда.
Using a comically outdated online platform, no less. It was posted somewhere in the ultradank universe of Russian Livejournal, which has more or less become a medium for blogging. On one such blog, evidently belonging to a Baconian Bolshevik — entitled Знание власть, or “knowledge is power” — I found it.
Predictably, the quality of the articles began to sharply decline by the end of the 1920s. Wilhelm Reich’s Dialectical Materialism and Psychoanalysis was published on its pages as late as 1929, however. You can download all of them, excepting the post-1931 issues (which can be found here), by clicking below.
Following those links, you can read the open letter Trotsky sent the editors of the first issue. Lenin himself singled out this letter in his own note, which was included in the double issue published next, while expressing the hope this venture would take the shape of a “society of materialist friends of Hegelian dialectics.” Abram Deborin, the stuffy Hegelian Menshevik and prominent critic of Lukács, edited the journal from 1926 through 1930, before being purged later in that decade.
Trotsky himself underscored the importance of the letter in The Stalin School of Falsification (1937), which, in pointing to the difference between the changed conditions of education of the younger members of the party from that of their older comrades, outlined the necessity of a new theoretical approach in order to safeguard the political experience accumulated within the party.
Despite the importance attributed to the letter by Lenin and Trotsky, Leszek Kolakowski, in his Main Currents of Marxism, considered the letter to be unexceptional. So much the worse for him.
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1923 № 1
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1923 № 2-3
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1923 № 4-5
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1923 № 6-7
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1923 № 8-9
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1923 № 10
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1923 № 11-12
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1924 № 1
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1924 № 2
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1924 № 3
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1924 № 4-5
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1924 № 6-7
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1924 № 8-9
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1924 № 10-11
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1924 № 12
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1925 № 1-2
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1925 № 3
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1925 № 4
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1925 № 5-6
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1925 № 7 (pages missing)
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1925 № 8-9 (pages missing)
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1925 № 10-11
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1925 № 12
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1926 No 1-2
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1926 № 3
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1926 № 4-5
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1926 № 6
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1926 № 7-8
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1926 № 9-10
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1926 № 11
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1926 № 12
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1927 № 1
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1927 № 2-3
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1927 № 4
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1927 № 5
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1927 № 6
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1927 № 7-8
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1927 № 9
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1927 № 10-11
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1927 № 12
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1928 № 1
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1928 № 2
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1928 № 3
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1928 № 4
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1928 № 5
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1928 № 6
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1928 № 7-8
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1928 № 9-10
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1928 № 11
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1928 № 12
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1929 № 1
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1929 № 2-3
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1929 № 4
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1929 № 5
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1929 № 6
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1929 № 7-8
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1929 № 9
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1929 № 10-11
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1929 № 12
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1930 № 1
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1930 № 2-3
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1930 № 4
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1930 № 5
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1930 № 6
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1930 № 7-8
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1930 № 10-12
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1931 № 1-2
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1931 № 3
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1931 № 4-5
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1931 № 6
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1931 № 7-8
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1931 № 9-10
- Under the banner of Marxism [«Под знаменем марксизма»] 1931 № 11-12
Letter to the editor of Under
the Banner of Marxism
The idea of publishing a magazine that would introduce advanced proletarian youth into the circle of materialist ideology seems to me highly valuable and fruitful.
The older generation of worker-communists that is now playing a leading role in the party and the country, awoke to conscious political life ten, fifteen, twenty, or more years ago. That generation’s thought began its critical work with the policeman, the timekeeper, and the foreman, then rose to tsarism and capitalism, and then, most often in prison and exile, proceeded onto questions of the philosophy of history and scientific understanding of the world. Therefore, before the revolutionary proletarian reached the critical questions of the materialist explanation of historical development, it managed to accumulate a certain amount of ever-widening generalizations, from the particular to the general, based on its own life’s combat experience. The current young worker wakes up in the atmosphere of the soviet state, which itself is a living critique of the old world. Those general conclusions, that the older generation of workers acquired in battle and were fixed in consciousness by strong nails of personal experience, are now received by the younger generation of workers in finished form, directly from the state in which they live and from the party that governs that state. This means, of course, a giant step forward in terms of creating conditions for further political and theoretical education of the workers. But at the same time that this incomparably higher historical level is achieved by the work of older generations, new problems and challenges appear for young generations.
The Soviet state is a living negation of the old world, its social order, personal relationships, views, and beliefs. But, at the same time, the soviet state itself is still full of contradictions, holes, inconsistencies, vague fermentation — in short, the phenomena in which the legacy of the past intertwines with the germs of the future. In such a deeply fractured, critical, and unstable era as ours, education of the proletarian vanguard requires serious and reliable theoretical foundations. It is necessary to arm a young worker’s thought and will with the method of the materialist worldview so that the greatest events, the powerful tides, rapidly changing tasks, and methods of the party and state do not disorganize his consciousness and do not break down his will before the threshold of his independent responsible work.
Arm the will and not only the thought, we say, because, in the era of great world upheavals, now more then ever before our will cannot break, but must harden only if it rests against the scientific understanding of the conditions and causes of historical development
On the other hand, it is precisely in such a critical era as ours, especially if it drags on — i.e., if the pace of revolutionary events in the West proves slower than hoped for — that attempts of various idealist and semi-idealist philosophical schools and sects will likely possess the consciousness of young workers. Captured unaware by the events, without prior extensive experience of practical class struggle, the thought of young workers could be defenseless against various doctrines of idealism (which are essentially translations of religious dogma into the language of pseudo-philosophy). All of these schools, despite the diversity of their idealist, Kantian, empiriocritical, and other designations, in the end agree that consciousness, thought, knowledge prefaces matter, and not vice versa.
The task of materialist education of worker youth is to reveal the fundamental laws of historical development. And the most important and primary of these foundations is the law which states that human consciousness represents not a free and independent psychological process, but a function of material economic foundation, i.e., is determined by it and serves it.
The dependence of consciousness on class interests and relations, and the latter on economic organization, is manifested most brightly, openly, but crudely in the revolutionary era. On its irreplaceable experience, we must help young workers fasten in their minds the foundations of the Marxist method. But this is not enough. Human society itself has both its historical roots and its current economy in the natural-historical world. One must see in the man of today a link in the entire development, which begins with the emergence of the first organic cell from the laboratory of nature, where the physical and chemical properties of matter act. One who has learned to look back with such clarity on the past of the entire world, including the human society, animal and vegetable kingdom, the solar system and the surrounding infinity, will not search for keys to understanding the secrets of the universe in dilapidated “sacred” books, these philosophical fairy tales of primitive childishness. And one who does not recognize the existence of heavenly mystical powers, capable of arbitrary invasion into the personal or social life and its direction in one way or another, one who does not believe that the misery and suffering will find some higher reward in other worlds, will stand firmer and stronger on the ground, and will be more confident and courageous in looking to the material conditions of the society for foundations of his creative work. Materialist ideology not only opens wide a window to the entire universe, but it also strengthens the will. It alone makes modern man human. It is true that he still depends on grave material conditions, but he already knows how to overcome them and consciously participates in building a new society, based simultaneously on the highest technology and the highest solidarity.
Giving the proletarian youth a materialist education: this is the greatest challenge. To your magazine, which wants to participate in this educational work, I heartily wish success.
February 27, 1922
Letter to the editor of Under
the Banner of Marxism
Comrade Trotsky has already said everything necessary, and said it very well, about the general purposes of Pod Znamenem Marksizma in issue No. 1-2 of that journal. I should like to deal with certain questions that more closely define the content and program of the work which its editors have set forth in the introductory statement in this issue.
This statement says that not all those gathered round the journal Pod Znamenem Marksizma are communists but that they are all consistent materialists. I think that this alliance of communists and non-communists is absolutely essential and correctly defines the purposes of the journal. One of the biggest and most dangerous mistakes made by communists (as generally by revolutionaries who have successfully accomplished the beginning of a great revolution) is the idea that a revolution can be made by revolutionaries alone. On the contrary, to be successful, all serious revolutionary work requires that the idea that revolutionaries are capable of playing the part only of the vanguard of the truly virile and advanced class must be understood and translated into action. A vanguard performs its task as vanguard only when it is able to avoid being isolated from the mass of the people it leads and is able really to lead the whole mass forward. Without an alliance with non-communists in the most diverse spheres of activity there can be no question of any successful communist construction.
This also applies to the defense of materialism and Marxism, which has been undertaken Pod Znamenem Marksizma. Fortunately, the main trends of advanced social thinking in Russia have a solid materialist tradition. Apart from G.V. Plekhanov, it will be enough to mention Chernyshevsky, from whom the modern Narodniks (the Popular Socialists, Socialist-Revolutionaries, etc.) have frequently retreated in quest of fashionable reactionary philosophical doctrines, captivated by the tinsel of the so-called last word in European science, and unable to discern beneath this tinsel some variety of servility to the bourgeoisie, to bourgeois prejudice and bourgeois reaction.
At any rate, in Russia we still have — and shall undoubtedly have for a fairly long time to come — materialists from the non-communist camp, and it is our absolute duty to enlist all adherents of consistent and militant materialism in the joint work of combating philosophical reaction and the philosophical prejudices of so-called educated society. Dietzgen senior — not to be confused with his writer son, who was as pretentious as he was unsuccessful — correctly, aptly and clearly expressed the fundamental Marxist view of the philosophical trends which prevail in bourgeois countries and enjoy the regard of their scientists and publicists, when he said that in effect the professors of philosophy in modern society are in the majority of cases nothing but “graduated flunkeys of clericalism.”
Our Russian intellectuals, who, like their brethren in all other countries, are fond of thinking themselves advanced, are very much averse to shifting the question to the level of the opinion expressed in Dietzgen’s words. But they are averse to it because they cannot look the truth in the face. One has only to give a little thought to the governmental and also the general economic, social and every other kind of dependence of modern educated people on the ruling bourgeoisie to realize that Dietzgen’s scathing description was absolutely true. One has only to recall the vast majority of the fashionable philosophical trends that arise so frequently in European countries, beginning for example with those connected with the discovery of radium and ending with those which are now seeking to clutch at the skirts of Einstein, to gain an idea of the connection between the class interests and the class position of the bourgeoisie and its support of all forms of religion on the one hand, and the ideological content of the fashionable philosophical trends on the other.
It will be seen from the above that a journal that sets out to be a militant materialist organ must be primarily a militant organ, in the sense of unflinchingly exposing and indicting all modern “graduated flunkeys of clericalism,” irrespective of whether they act as representatives of official science or as free lances calling themselves “democratic Left or ideologically socialist” publicists.
In the second place, such a journal must be a militant atheist organ. We have departments, or at least state institutions, which are in charge of this work. But the work is being carried on with extreme apathy and very unsatisfactorily, and is apparently suffering from the general conditions of our truly Russian (even though Soviet) bureaucratic ways. It is therefore highly essential that in addition to the work of these state institutions, and in order to improve and infuse life into that work, a journal which sets out to propagandize militant materialism must carry on untiring atheist propaganda and an untiring atheist fight. The literature on the subject in all languages should be carefully followed and everything at all valuable in this sphere should be translated, or at least reviewed.
Engels long ago advised the contemporary leaders of the proletariat to translate the militant atheist literature of the late eighteenth century for mass distribution among the people. We have not done this up to the present, to our shame be it said (this is one of the numerous proofs that it is much easier to seize power in a revolutionary epoch than to know how to use this power properly). Our apathy, inactivity and incompetence are sometimes excused on all sorts of “lofty” grounds, as, for example, that the old atheist literature of the eighteenth century is antiquated, unscientific, naive, etc. There is nothing worse than such pseudo-scientific sophistry, which serves as a screen either for pedantry or for a complete misunderstanding of Marxism. There is, of course, much that is unscientific and naive in the atheist writings of the eighteenth-century revolutionaries. But nobody prevents the publishers of these writings from abridging them and providing them with brief postscripts pointing out the progress made by mankind in the scientific criticism of religions since the end of the eighteenth century, mentioning the latest writings on the subject, and so forth. It would be the biggest and most grievous mistake a Marxist could make to think that the millions of the people (especially the peasants and artisans), who have been condemned by all modern society to darkness, ignorance and superstitions — can extricate themselves from this darkness only along the straight line of a purely Marxist education. These masses should be supplied with the most varied atheist propaganda material, they should be made familiar with facts from the most diverse spheres of life, they should be approached in every possible way, so as to interest them, rouse them from their religious torpor, stir them front the most varied angles and by the most varied methods, and so forth.
The keen, vivacious and talented writings of the old eighteenth-century atheists wittily and openly attacked the prevailing clericalism and will very often prove a thousand times more suitable for arousing people from their religious torpor than the dull and dry paraphrases of Marxism, almost completely unillustrated by skillfully selected facts, which predominate in our literature and which (it is no use hiding the fact) frequently distort Marxism. We have translations of all the major works of Marx and Engels. There are absolutely no grounds for fearing that the old atheism and old materialism will remain unsupplemented by the corrections introduced by Marx and Engels. The most important thing — and it is this that is most frequently overlooked by those of our communists who are supposedly Marxists, but who in fact mutilate Marxism — is to know how to awaken in the still undeveloped masses an intelligent attitude towards religious questions and an intelligent criticism of religions.
On the other hand, take a glance at modern scientific critics of religion. These educated bourgeois writers almost invariably “supplement” their own refutations of religious superstitions with arguments which immediately expose them as ideological slaves of the bourgeoisie, as “graduated flunkeys of clericalism.”
Two examples. Professor R.Y. Wipper published in 1918 a little book entitled Vozniknovenie Khristianstva [The Origin of Christianity]. In his account of the principal results of modern science, the author not only refrains from combating the superstitions and deception which are the weapons of the church as a political organization, not only evades these questions, but makes the simply ridiculous and most reactionary claim that he is above both “extremes” — the idealist and the materialist. This is toadying to the ruling bourgeoisie, which all over the world devotes to the support of religion hundreds of millions of rubles from. the profits squeezed out of the working people.
The well-known German scientist, Arthur Drews, while refuting religious superstitions and fables in his book, Die Christusmythe [The Christ Myth], and while showing that Christ never existed, at the end of the book declares in favor of religion, albeit a renovated, purified and more subtle religion, one that would be capable of withstanding “the daily growing naturalist torrent” (fourth German edition, 1910, p. 238). Here we have an out-spoken and deliberate reactionary, who is openly helping the exploiters to replace the old, decayed religious superstitions by new, more odious and vile superstitions.
This does not mean that Drews should not be translated. It means that while in a certain measure effecting an alliance with the progressive section of the bourgeoisie, communists and all consistent materialists should unflinchingly expose that section when it is guilty of reaction. It means that to shun an alliance with the representatives of the bourgeoisie of the eighteenth century, i.e., the period when it was revolutionary, would be to betray Marxism and materialism; for an “alliance” with the Drewses, in one form or another and in one degree or another., is essential for our struggle against the predominating religious obscurantists.
Pod Znamenem Marksizma, which sets out to be an organ of militant materialism, should devote much of its space to atheist propaganda, to reviews of the literature on the subject and to correcting the immense shortcomings of our governmental work in this field. It is particularly important to utilize books and pamphlets which contain many concrete facts and comparisons showing how the class interests and class organizations of the modern bourgeoisie are connected with the organizations of religious institutions and religious propaganda.
All material relating to the United States of America, where the official. state connection between religion and capital is less manifest, is extremely important. But, on the other hand, it becomes all the clearer to us that so-called modern democracy (which the Mensheviks, the Socialist-Revolutionaries, partly also the anarchists, etc., so unreasonably worship) is nothing but the freedom to preach whatever is to the advantage of the bourgeoisie, to preach, namely, the most reactionary ideas, religion, obscurantism, defense of the exploiters, etc.
One would like to hope that a journal which sets out to be a militant materialist organ will provide our reading public with reviews of atheist literature, showing for which circle of readers any particular writing might be suitable and in what respect, and mentioning what literature has been published in our country (only decent translations should be given notice, and they are not so many), and what is still to be published.
In addition to the alliance with consistent materialists who do not belong to the Communist Party, of no less and perhaps oven of more importance for the work which militant materialism should perform is an alliance with those modern natural scientists who incline towards materialism and are not afraid to defend and preach it as against the modish philosophical wanderings into idealism and skepticism which are prevalent in so-called educated society.
The article by A. Timiryazev on Einstein’s theory of relativity published in Pod Znamenem Marksizma No. 1-2 permits us to hope that the journal will succeed in effecting this second alliance too. Greater attention should be paid to it. It should be remembered that the sharp upheaval which modern natural science is undergoing very often gives rise to reactionary philosophical schools and minor schools. trends and minor trends. Unless, therefore, the problems raised by the recent revolution in natural science are followed, and unless natural scientists are enlisted in the work of a philosophical journal, militant materialism can be neither militant nor materialism. Timiryazev was obliged to observe in the first issue of the journal that the theory of Einstein, who, according to Timiryazev, is himself not making any active attack on the foundations of materialism, has already been seized upon by a vast number of bourgeois intellectuals of all countries; it should be noted that this applies not only to Einstein, but to a number, if not to the majority, of the great reformers of natural science since the end of the nineteenth century.
For our attitude towards this phenomenon to be a politically conscious one, it must be realized that no natural science and no materialism can hold its own in the struggle against the onslaught of bourgeois ideas and the restoration of the bourgeois world outlook unless it stands on solid philosophical ground. In order to hold his own in this struggle and carry it to a victorious finish, the natural scientist must be a modern materialist, a conscious adherent of the materialism represented by Marx, i.e., he must be a dialectical materialist. In order to attain this aim, the contributors to Pod Znamenem Marksizma must arrange for the systematic study of Hegelian dialectics from a materialist standpoint, i.e., the dialectics which Marx applied practically in his Capital and in his historical and political works, and applied so successfully that now every day of the awakening to life and struggle of new classes in the East (Japan, India, and China) — i.e., the hundreds of millions of human beings who form the greater part of the world population and whose historical passivity and historical torpor have hitherto conditioned the stagnation and decay of many advanced European countries — every day of the awakening to life of new peoples and new classes serves as a fresh confirmation of Marxism.
Of course, this study, this interpretation, this propaganda of Hegelian dialectics is extremely difficult, and the first experiments in this direction will undoubtedly be accompanied by errors. But only he who never does anything never makes mistakes. Taking as our basis Marx’s method of applying materialistically conceived Hegelian dialectics, we can and should elaborate this dialectics from all aspects, print in the journal excerpts from Hegel’s principal works, interpret them materialistically and comment on them with the help of examples of the way Marx applied dialectics, as well as of examples of dialectics in the sphere of economic and political relations, which recent history, especially modern imperialist war and revolution, provides in unusual abundance. In my opinion, the editors and contributors of Pod Znamenem Marksizma should be a kind of “Society of Materialist Friends of Hegelian Dialectics.” Modern natural scientists (if they know how to seek, and if we learn to help them) will find in the Hegelian dialectics, materialistically interpreted, a series of answers to the philosophical problems which are being raised by the revolution in natural science and which make the intellectual admirers of bourgeois fashion “stumble” into reaction.
Unless it sets itself such a task and systematically fulfills it, materialism cannot be militant materialism. It will be not so much the fighter as the fought, to use an expression of Shchedrin’s. Without this, eminent natural scientists will as often as hitherto he helpless in making their philosophical deductions and generalizations. For natural science is progressing so fast and is undergoing such a profound revolutionary upheaval in all spheres that it cannot possibly dispense with philosophical deductions.
In conclusion, I will cite an example which has nothing to do with philosophy, but does at any rate concern social questions, to which Pod Znamenem Marksizma also desires ,to devote attention.
It is an example of the way in which modern pseudo-science actually serves as a vehicle for the grossest and most infamous reactionary views.
I was recently sent a copy of Ekonomist № 1 (1922), published by the Eleventh Department of the Russian Technical ‘Society. The young communist who sent me this journal (he probably had no time to read it) rashly expressed considerable agreement with it. In reality the journal is — I do not know to what extent deliberately — an organ of the modern feudalists, disguised of course under the cloak of science, democracy and so forth.
A certain Mr. P.A. Sorokin publishes in this journal an extensive, so-called “sociological,” inquiry on “The Influence of the War.” This learned article abounds in learned references to the “sociological” works of the author and his numerous teachers and colleagues abroad. Here is an example of his learning.
On page 83, I read:
For every 10,000 marriages in Petrograd there are now 92.2 divorces — a fantastic figure. Of every 100 annulled marriages, 51.1 had lasted less than one year, eleven percent less than one month, 22 percent less than two months, 41 percent less than three to six months and only 26 percent over six months. These figures show that modern legal marriage is a form which conceals what is in effect extramarital sexual intercourse, enabling lovers of “strawberries” to satisfy their appetites in a “legal” way (Ekonomist № 1, p. 83).
Both this gentleman and the Russian Technical Society, which publishes this journal and gives space to this kind of talk, no doubt regard themselves as adherents of democracy and would consider it a great insult to be called what they are in fact. Namely: feudalists, reactionaries, “graduated flunkeys of clericalism.”
Even the slightest acquaintance with the legislation of bourgeois countries on marriage, divorce and illegitimate children, and with the actual state of affairs in this field, is enough to show anyone interested in the subject that modern bourgeois democracy, even in all the most democratic bourgeois republics, exhibits a truly feudal attitude in this respect towards women and towards children born out of wedlock.
This, of course, does not prevent the Mensheviks, the Socialist-Revolutionaries, a part of the anarchists and all the corresponding parties in the West from shouting about democracy and how it is being violated by the Bolsheviks. But as a matter of fact the Bolshevik revolution is the only consistently democratic revolution in respect to such questions as marriage, divorce and the position of children born out of wedlock. And this is a question which most directly affects the interests of more than half the population of any country. Although a large number of bourgeois revolutions preceded it and called themselves democratic, the Bolshevik revolution was the first and only revolution to wage a resolute struggle in this respect both against reaction and feudalism and against the usual hypocrisy of the ruling and propertied classes.
If 92 divorces for every 10,000 marriages seem to Mr. Sorekin a fantastic figure, one can only suppose that either the author lived and was brought up in a monastery so entirely walled off from life that hardly anyone will believe such a monastery ever existed, or that he is distorting the truth in the interest of reaction and the bourgeoisie. Anybody in the least acquainted with social conditions in bourgeois countries knows that the real number of actual divorces (of course, not sanctioned by church and law) is everywhere immeasurably greater. The only difference between Russia and other countries in this respect is that our laws do not sanctify hypocrisy and the debasement of the woman and her child, but openly and in the name of the government declare systematic war on all hypocrisy and all debasement.
The Marxist journal will have to wage war also on these modern “educated” feudalists. Not a few of them, very likely, are in receipt of government money and are employed by our government to educate our youth, although they are no more fitted for this than notorious perverts are fitted for the post of superintendents of educational establishments for the young.
The working class of Russia proved able to win power; but it has not yet learned to utilize it, for otherwise it would have long ago very politely dispatched such teachers and members of learned societies to countries with a bourgeois “democracy” That is the proper place for such feudalists.
But it will learn, given the will to learn.
March 12, 1922